Dear Professor Losurdo First of all, the very existence of this review is good news, so let me congratulate you for it. As to substantive questions, the thing that strikes me more is that, of course, we can go on and on indefinitely talking about issues when it is mostly matters of definition that are involved. And so, apparently Jennifer Pitts didn’t like very much your definition of Liberalism, hence she suggests instead a… lack of any exact definition, so that all that is retrospectively considered “good” is susceptible of being taken as an expression of Liberalism, whereas “bad” things tend to be illiberal ex definitio. This way, of course, “Liberalism” gets identified with endless, indefinable “meliorism”, with improvability itself. That is to say, that which others would identify with Humankind, or “human condition”, she associates with Liberalism. And so, of course, facing logomachies like this one, game over, let us congratulate the winner, Ave Jennifer, etc. There is, indeed, a deep rhetorical component associated with such forms of arguing. As William Jefferson “Slick Willie” Clinton has once put it, “there is nothing wrong with America that may not be corrected on the basis of what is right with America”. Something I would hardly disagree with, of course, since I’m very far from sustaining some “final solution” for any “American problem”. But then again, the same thing goes, of course, for Burkina Faso, Paraguay or New Guinea… although you don’t hear that kind of stuff so often about Burkina Faso, Paraguay or New Guinea, do you? (And, by the way, the people of these countries do not talk of them as equivalents to “Africa”, “America” and/or “Oceania”…) And so, why is it that “America”, alias the United States of America, tends so emphatically to extract collective vain glory from such “arguments”? Is there a ground to suspect that fact is associated with “America” becoming known as the “liberal” country par excellence? The one thing to consider, concerning Liberalism, is the fact that “Liberal” appears first and foremost as opposed to “Mechanical” (arts), like “noble” as opposed to “plebian”/“banausian”. Akin to that distinction comes, of course, the notion that “liberalitas”, corresponding to a middle-of-the-road position, or a “juste milieu”, is to be distinguished from both “avaritia” and “prodigality”. Liberality is generosity, yes, ma non troppo. If you think that the plebs ought to be treated generously, you must also consider that the plebs also lives cruel, brutish and short lives, objectively submersed in scarcity, and therefore mentally in “avaritia”. Generosity is and ought to be of the happy few, for the happy few and by the happy few only. If you try to universalize the condition of these you necessarily incur into vice, into “prodigalitas”, and the social fabric will obviously crumble… There are, of course, alternative, different ways of thinking, and probably the real “litmus test” to be made consists of answering the question: “is that a way of life susceptible of be made universal?” And as to that, sorry, dear Jennifer, political correction notwithstanding, the basic problem with Liberalism is not its conviction that its “own culturally particular beliefs, values and practices are universally valid”, but in a sense the exact opposite to that. It is mostly about its “leisured class” - hence restricted or exclusive by definition - basic attitudes and forma mentis. Ah, but in practice it was historically not so exclusive? Yes, indeed. But that is so because other “black beasts” were involved in the real story: radicalism, Jacobinism (not just of Haitian or black Jacobins but of all of them, let’s not get once more carried away by political correctness), socialism, communism, “Stalinism”, etc. With a minimum of good will, I am sure that an encomiastic discourse may be elaborated about each and every one of these (one that emphasizes “meliorism” or improvability, with no need for “us versus them”, etc.) much, much more easily than about Liberalism. (To be continued)
(Continuation) But no “white book” contra “black book”, please! No hagiography versus damnatio memoriae, on and on and on… The delicate ears of Jennifer find the use of “redskins” as “jarring”, and she also feels tempted to draw some more women thinkers in the global picture of historiography in cases where there were only a few of them in reality, since a minimum percentage is known to have to be attained… Ah, but let us leave all that, please. Jennifer doesn’t think questions of choice, even sometimes tragic choice, are the correct ones to formulate? The very liberation of the happy few has historically, statistically been associated in a direct way with the subjugation of the many, but we should decide to ignore that fact? Let me, therefore, remind her of Isaiah Berlin’s emphasis precisely on the frequent need of tragic choices (The Originality of Machiavelli) and at least hope that the fact it was “liberal” Berlin to express that idea, and not Domenico Losurdo, makes it somewhat less jarring, who knows? But maybe Berlin’s reasoning is indeed also itself an overshooting. Maybe those being “tragic choices” within some institutional or cultural context, a liberal one, for instance, become susceptible of being made “non-tragic” choices, or indeed overcome, in some other, non-liberal context. Let us call that a “Jacobin” context, for instance, as a way of homage to the illiberal ones that first stood for unconditional abolitionism, universal suffrage, universal public instruction, progressive taxation and unconditional (constitutional) social rights. At any rate, any historiography concerned mostly with realities - and not with cant - should have to at least consider that basic, immensely stubborn fact… Indeed, strict counterfactuals being of course impossible, the clearly identifiable mainstream is a tendency of “Liberals” (any and all of those claiming to be that, or being retrospectively “read” as that) to think of Liberty as “our” liberty, to praise not rights of Man, but the rights of the Englishmen… briefly, to think of Liberty as a “Privilege”, as a “private law” applying to but an exclusive group of insiders, be them a class, a “group of status” or, in final scenario, and under pressure from radicals, as a nation, via imperialism. Briefly, in case of lack of such “external” pressures, Liberalism “naturally” tends to its “ideal-type”, that is, aristocratic republicanism, the classic credo of the “Optimates”. Inasmuch it cedes to “radical” pressures and gets (partially) democratized, enfranchisement of certain segments of population or as to certain aspects of life in society tend to be accompanied by disfranchisements of other segments and/or concerning other aspects of life. Those are the big facts that you identified so well and pointed out clearly enough, or at least so I thought. Sorry, but no review that avoids or obfuscates that central argument is entitled to pretend to be a good one. Saudações cordiais, João Carlos Graça Lisboa, 25 de Setembro de 2011
Schlage die Trommel und fürchte dich nicht, / und küsse die Marketenderin! / Das ist die ganze Wissenschaft, / das ist der Bücher tiefster Sinn. / Trommle die Leute aus dem Schlaf, trommle Reveille mit Jugendkraft, / marschiere trommelnd immer voran, / das ist die ganze Wissenschaft. / Das ist die Helgelsche Philosophie, / das ist der Bücher tiefster Sinn! / Ich habe sie begriffen, weil ich gescheit, / und weil ich ein guter Tambour bin.
Imperialismo e questione europea, La scuola di Pitagora, Napoli 2019
Qual è oggi il nemico principale, l'Unione Europea o quegli Stati Uniti rispetto ai quali l'Unione Europea potrebbe costituire un'alternativa, qualora si emancipasse dall'egemonia americana e superasse la sua costituzione borghese?
Memoria di Hegel, critica del liberalismo e ricostruzione del materialismo storico in D. Losurdo
La prima esposizione completa delle principali tematiche affrontate da Losurdo
Il marxismo occidentale
Come nacque, come morì, come può rinascere: Laterza, Roma-Bari 2017
Un mondo senza guerre
L'idea di pace dalle promesse del passato alle tragedie del presente, Carocci 2016
La Sinistra assente. Una breve presentazione
Domenico Losurdo: La sinistra assente. Crisi, società dello spettacolo, guerra, Carocci, Roma 2014
Le promesse del 1989 di un mondo all’insegna del benessere e della pace non si sono realizzate. La crisi economica sancisce il ritorno della miseria di massa anche nei paesi più sviluppati e inasprisce la polarizzazione sociale sino al punto di consentire alla grande ricchezza di monopolizzare le istituzioni politiche. Sul piano internazionale, a una «piccola guerra» (che però comporta decine di migliaia di morti per il paese di volta in volta investito) segue un’altra. Per di più, all’orizzonte si delinea il pericolo di conflitti su larga scala, che potrebbero persino varcare la soglia nucleare. Più che mai si avverte l’esigenza di una forza di opposizione: disgraziatamente in Occidente la sinistra è assente. Come spiegare tale assenza? Come leggere il mondo venutosi a costituire dopo il 1989? Attraverso quali meccanismi la «società della spettacolo» riesce a legittimare guerra e politica di guerra? Come costruire l’alternativa? A queste domande s’impegna a rispondere Domenico Losurdo con un’analisi originale, spregiudicata e destinata a suscitare polemiche.
Democrazia cercasi: dai primi di settembre in libreria
Possiamo ancora parlare di democrazia in Italia? Mutamenti imponenti hanno svuotato gli strumenti della partecipazione popolare, favorendo una forma neobonapartistica e ipermediatica di potere carismatico e spingendo molti cittadini nel limbo dell’astensionismo o nell’imbuto di una protesta rabbiosa e inefficace. Al tempo stesso, in nome dell’emergenza economica permanente e della governabilità, gli spazi di riflessione pubblica e confronto sono stati sacrificati al primato di un decisionismo improvvisato. Dietro questi cambiamenti c’è però un più corposo processo materiale che dalla fine degli anni Settanta ha minato le fondamenta stesse della democrazia: il riequilibrio dei rapporti di forza tra le classi sociali, che nel dopoguerra aveva consentito la costruzione del Welfare, ha lasciato il campo ad una riscossa dei ceti proprietari che nel nostro paese come in tutto l’Occidente ha portato ad una redistribuzione verso l’alto della ricchezza nazionale, alla frantumazione e precarizzione del lavoro, allo smantellamento dei diritti economici e sociali dei più deboli. Intanto, nell’alveo del neoliberalismo trionfante, si diffondeva un clima culturale dai tratti marcatamente individualistici e competitivi. Mentre dalle arti figurative alla filosofia, dalla storia alle scienze umane, il postmodernismo dilagava, delegittimando i fondamenti e i valori della modernità – la ragione, l’eguaglianza, la trasformazione del reale… - e rendendo impraticabile ogni progetto di emancipazione consapevole, collettiva e organizzata. É stata la sinistra, e non Berlusconi, il principale agente responsabile di questa devastazione. Schiantata dalla caduta del Muro di Berlino assieme alle classi popolari, non è riuscita a rinnovarsi salvaguardando i propri ideali e si è fatta sempre più simile alla destra, assorbendone programmi e stile di governo fino a sostituirsi oggi integralmente ad essa. Per ricostruire una sinistra autentica, per riconquistare la democrazia e ripristinare le condizioni di una vasta mediazione sociale, dovremo smettere di limitare il nostro orizzonte concettuale alla mera riduzione del danno e riscoprire il conflitto. Nata per formalizzare la lotta di classe, infatti, senza questa lotta la democrazia muore.
.
Emiliano Alessandroni: Ideologia e strutture letterarie, Aracne Editrice
Che cos'è esattamente il bello? È possibile procedere ad una sua decodificazione? Che significato racchiude il termine ideologia? E quale rapporto intrattiene con la letteratura, ovvero con le sue strutture? Come giudicare il valore di un'opera? A questi come ad altri quesiti questo libro intende fornire una risposta, contrastando, con la forza del ragionamento e il supporto dell'analisi testuale, quegli assunti diffusi (“il bello è soltanto soggettivo!”) e quelle opinioni consolidate (“tutto è ideologia!” o “le ideologie sono morte!”) che finiscono per disorientare chiunque si trovi, per via diretta o indiretta, a confrontarsi con tali problematiche. Un saggio di ampio respiro tra filosofia, storia, critica letteraria e teoria della letteratura.
Domenico Losurdo: Das 20. Jahrhundert begreifen, PapyRossa Verlag
Dass die Oktoberrevolution mit ihren Folgen zu den Grundübeln des 20. Jahrhunderts gehöre, gilt häufig als selbstverständlich. Hand in Hand geht damit eine Verklärung der vorrevolutionären liberalen Gesellschaften. Zu wenig beachtet wird ihr Ausschluss der Frauen aus dem politischen Leben, ihre Einschränkung der politischen Rechte breiter Bevölkerungsmassen sowie ihr Kolonialismus und Rassismus. Unbeachtet bleibt, dass die Überwindung dieser drei großen Diskriminierungen ohne den Oktober 1917 kaum denkbar wäre. Dies rückgängig zu machen und die Rassendiskriminierung noch zu verschärfen, war das Ziel des Nazismus. In seinem Kolonialreich hatten die »Eingeborenen« Osteuropas einerseits die Rolle der Indianer zu spielen, die es zu dezimieren galt, andererseits die der Schwarzen, die als Sklaven im Dienste der Herrenrasse arbeiten mussten. Stellt die Kategorie »Totalitarismus« die angehenden Sklavenhalter und ihre Opfer auf eine Stufe, schweigt sie sich aus über die Gräuel der kolonialen Tradition.
Il nuovo libro di Domenico Losurdo
La lotta di classe. Una storia filosofica e politica, Laterza, Roma-Bari 2013
Dialettica, storia e conflitto. Il proprio tempo appreso nel pensiero
VII Congresso della Internationale Gesellschaft Hegel-Marx, Urbino, 18-20 novembre 2011
Domenico Losurdo: La non-violenza. Una storia fuori dal mito, Laterza, Roma-Bari 2010
2 commenti:
Dear Professor Losurdo
First of all, the very existence of this review is good news, so let me congratulate you for it.
As to substantive questions, the thing that strikes me more is that, of course, we can go on and on indefinitely talking about issues when it is mostly matters of definition that are involved. And so, apparently Jennifer Pitts didn’t like very much your definition of Liberalism, hence she suggests instead a… lack of any exact definition, so that all that is retrospectively considered “good” is susceptible of being taken as an expression of Liberalism, whereas “bad” things tend to be illiberal ex definitio. This way, of course, “Liberalism” gets identified with endless, indefinable “meliorism”, with improvability itself. That is to say, that which others would identify with Humankind, or “human condition”, she associates with Liberalism. And so, of course, facing logomachies like this one, game over, let us congratulate the winner, Ave Jennifer, etc.
There is, indeed, a deep rhetorical component associated with such forms of arguing. As William Jefferson “Slick Willie” Clinton has once put it, “there is nothing wrong with America that may not be corrected on the basis of what is right with America”. Something I would hardly disagree with, of course, since I’m very far from sustaining some “final solution” for any “American problem”. But then again, the same thing goes, of course, for Burkina Faso, Paraguay or New Guinea… although you don’t hear that kind of stuff so often about Burkina Faso, Paraguay or New Guinea, do you? (And, by the way, the people of these countries do not talk of them as equivalents to “Africa”, “America” and/or “Oceania”…) And so, why is it that “America”, alias the United States of America, tends so emphatically to extract collective vain glory from such “arguments”? Is there a ground to suspect that fact is associated with “America” becoming known as the “liberal” country par excellence?
The one thing to consider, concerning Liberalism, is the fact that “Liberal” appears first and foremost as opposed to “Mechanical” (arts), like “noble” as opposed to “plebian”/“banausian”. Akin to that distinction comes, of course, the notion that “liberalitas”, corresponding to a middle-of-the-road position, or a “juste milieu”, is to be distinguished from both “avaritia” and “prodigality”. Liberality is generosity, yes, ma non troppo. If you think that the plebs ought to be treated generously, you must also consider that the plebs also lives cruel, brutish and short lives, objectively submersed in scarcity, and therefore mentally in “avaritia”. Generosity is and ought to be of the happy few, for the happy few and by the happy few only. If you try to universalize the condition of these you necessarily incur into vice, into “prodigalitas”, and the social fabric will obviously crumble…
There are, of course, alternative, different ways of thinking, and probably the real “litmus test” to be made consists of answering the question: “is that a way of life susceptible of be made universal?” And as to that, sorry, dear Jennifer, political correction notwithstanding, the basic problem with Liberalism is not its conviction that its “own culturally particular beliefs, values and practices are universally valid”, but in a sense the exact opposite to that. It is mostly about its “leisured class” - hence restricted or exclusive by definition - basic attitudes and forma mentis. Ah, but in practice it was historically not so exclusive? Yes, indeed. But that is so because other “black beasts” were involved in the real story: radicalism, Jacobinism (not just of Haitian or black Jacobins but of all of them, let’s not get once more carried away by political correctness), socialism, communism, “Stalinism”, etc. With a minimum of good will, I am sure that an encomiastic discourse may be elaborated about each and every one of these (one that emphasizes “meliorism” or improvability, with no need for “us versus them”, etc.) much, much more easily than about Liberalism.
(To be continued)
(Continuation)
But no “white book” contra “black book”, please! No hagiography versus damnatio memoriae, on and on and on… The delicate ears of Jennifer find the use of “redskins” as “jarring”, and she also feels tempted to draw some more women thinkers in the global picture of historiography in cases where there were only a few of them in reality, since a minimum percentage is known to have to be attained… Ah, but let us leave all that, please. Jennifer doesn’t think questions of choice, even sometimes tragic choice, are the correct ones to formulate? The very liberation of the happy few has historically, statistically been associated in a direct way with the subjugation of the many, but we should decide to ignore that fact? Let me, therefore, remind her of Isaiah Berlin’s emphasis precisely on the frequent need of tragic choices (The Originality of Machiavelli) and at least hope that the fact it was “liberal” Berlin to express that idea, and not Domenico Losurdo, makes it somewhat less jarring, who knows?
But maybe Berlin’s reasoning is indeed also itself an overshooting. Maybe those being “tragic choices” within some institutional or cultural context, a liberal one, for instance, become susceptible of being made “non-tragic” choices, or indeed overcome, in some other, non-liberal context. Let us call that a “Jacobin” context, for instance, as a way of homage to the illiberal ones that first stood for unconditional abolitionism, universal suffrage, universal public instruction, progressive taxation and unconditional (constitutional) social rights. At any rate, any historiography concerned mostly with realities - and not with cant - should have to at least consider that basic, immensely stubborn fact…
Indeed, strict counterfactuals being of course impossible, the clearly identifiable mainstream is a tendency of “Liberals” (any and all of those claiming to be that, or being retrospectively “read” as that) to think of Liberty as “our” liberty, to praise not rights of Man, but the rights of the Englishmen… briefly, to think of Liberty as a “Privilege”, as a “private law” applying to but an exclusive group of insiders, be them a class, a “group of status” or, in final scenario, and under pressure from radicals, as a nation, via imperialism.
Briefly, in case of lack of such “external” pressures, Liberalism “naturally” tends to its “ideal-type”, that is, aristocratic republicanism, the classic credo of the “Optimates”. Inasmuch it cedes to “radical” pressures and gets (partially) democratized, enfranchisement of certain segments of population or as to certain aspects of life in society tend to be accompanied by disfranchisements of other segments and/or concerning other aspects of life.
Those are the big facts that you identified so well and pointed out clearly enough, or at least so I thought. Sorry, but no review that avoids or obfuscates that central argument is entitled to pretend to be a good one.
Saudações cordiais,
João Carlos Graça
Lisboa, 25 de Setembro de 2011
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